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Republican Candidates Count On Schwarzenegger’s Popularity

Let’s tote up the score for some California politicians at the Republican National Convention.

On a 10-point scale:

* Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger gets a 9.

The celebrity governor enhanced his national image as a political figure with a mostly upbeat, skillfully delivered prime-time speech. It would have been perfect if he’d muted some of the partisan tone and dropped the macho line about economic critics being “girlie-men.”

* Give U.S. Senate candidate Bill Jones a 6.

His overall, underfunded campaign has been a 3. In New York, White House and Senate political operatives introduced him to fresh sources of campaign cash. He also smartly hustled to be interviewed by California radio newscasters denied access to Schwarzenegger.

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* GOP legislative candidates notched a 7 without trying.

They benefited, paradoxically, because President Bush probably didn’t help himself much in California. If Bush had put California “in play,” then Sen. John Kerry would have poured millions into the state, aiding all Democratic candidates. Without Bush-Kerry competition, Republicans hold the trump card: a popular governor.

Schwarzenegger’s speech was seen in nearly 20 million households, according to Nielsen Media Research -- fewer than saw Bush, more than watched Vice President Dick Cheney.

The immigrant governor’s American Dream story was compelling to viewers of any ideology. He bolstered himself with the party faithful by highlighting his Republican colors. But, for my money, his best line was this:

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“Maybe, just maybe, you don’t agree with this party on every single issue.... That’s not only OK, that’s what’s great about this country. Here, we can respectfully disagree and still be patriotic, still be American and still be good Republicans.”

It’s the “big tent” philosophy that Republican leaders in California have been moving the party toward and that, in fact, helped elect Schwarzenegger.

But then, instead of taking the next rhetorical step and reaching out to Democrats and independents, Schwarzenegger got partisan. He implied that only Republicans believe in holding government accountable to the people, treating each person as an individual and going all-out to “terminate terrorism.”

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And ever the showman, he just had to do it: insert, with a big grin, that line about economic pessimists being “girlie-men.”

Laid-off workers, I wrote, may not have thought that so funny.

“Don’t take the girlie-man thing too seriously,” Schwarzenegger later told me. “It’s just a great line -- as you could see in there.”

It did draw his loudest cheers in the convention hall.

Schwarzenegger’s serious, substantive side was on display in a Q&A; with California reporters. The governor articulated positions on drug costs (he wants to negotiate them down), electricity regulation (he’ll compromise next year with Democrats) and driver’s licenses for illegal immigrants (the licenses must be a different color).

No TV cameras or radio mikes were allowed. Schwarzenegger wanted to keep it informal. He also refused countless interview requests during the week, making his convention address speak for itself. He was following the entertainer’s old axiom: Leave them asking for more.

It was practically unprecedented: a politician turning down the spotlight on himself.

By contrast, there was only a small flashlight on Jones, mainly local radio and some brief podium visits.

The low-key Fresno farmer -- a former California secretary of state and Assembly Republican leader -- never has been a big media draw. But he has gotten even less attention since Schwarzenegger entered politics and began sucking up most of the media oxygen in California.

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At the convention, Jones was given a three-minute afternoon slot for remarks televised only on CSPAN. The huge California delegation stood, listened and applauded as he wrapped himself in the governor’s popularity: “The California dream is alive and well with Arnold Schwarzenegger.... Right?”

Jones was 17 points behind Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer in an August poll by the Public Policy Institute of California. He insists he’s now closer.

More troublesome is Jones’ career-long inability to raise large chunks of money. At the end of July, he had $1 million in cash; Boxer had $7 million. In New York, GOP leaders trotted him around to high-rollers, hoping they’d later write checks.

Jones also hopes some of Schwarzenegger’s luster will rub off. “Arnold’s the great equalizer,” he says.

He’s spinning his race as a continuation of the recall rebellion that booted Gov. Gray Davis. “People want to finish the job,” he says, and oust the liberal Boxer.

That’s the pitch of Republican legislative candidates, as well. Boot Democrats. Pump up “Arnold’s Army” in Sacramento. This is the main GOP focus in California: Pick up a few seats in each house and move into position to regain control in another election or two.

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No legislative strategist will say it publicly, but if Bush’s convention speech didn’t put California in play -- if he only inspired the party and didn’t excite Democrats -- that’s fine. GOP candidates don’t need a presidential race to stir voters. They’ve got Schwarzenegger -- in mailers, on radio, at fundraisers. Democrats can’t match him.

Currently, the California Republican Party -- California politics -- is mostly about Arnold Schwarzenegger. Even more so after the convention.

*

George Skelton writes Monday and Thursday. Reach him at [email protected].

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